Educators of Conscience Call for an Academic Boycott of Israel

by J. Kehaulani Kauanui, Ph.D.

jkauanuiOn Monday, February 2, 2009, scholar Benny Morris gave a lecture, “The First Arab-Israeli War,” at Wesleyan University, which was sponsored by the Jewish and Israeli Studies Certificate Program. As a New Historian who supports Zionist ideology, Morris is one of Israel’s most distinguished historians. He became well known after accessing and analyzing Israeli military documents and discovering that they ran counter to the Zionist propaganda that asserted Palestinians left their homeland voluntarily; instead, they had been systematically expelled from their homeland in 1948. Some would say he was even sympathetic with Palestinians for a number of years. However, since 2000, he has become an apologist for the right in Israel by trying to justify the 1948 expulsion of Palestinians and even suggested in an interview in Ha’aretz that the state of Israel did not go far enough. To justify this point, he referred to the United States: “Even the great American democracy could not have been created without the annihilation of the Indians. There are cases in which the overall, final good justifies harsh and cruel acts that are committed in the course of history.” This contemporary colonial position in support of ethnic cleansing is morally bankrupt, and as repugnant as advocating the merits of modern day slavery.

At his recent lecture at Wesleyan, less than a dozen or so protesters showed up to picket the event. The demonstration was organized by The Middle East Crisis Committee—a Conn.-based activist group that organized in 1982 in New Haven, Conn., during Israel’s invasion of Lebanon. No Wesleyan students joined the protest, and no other Wesleyan professor stood with the group, although the next day, The Wesleyan Argus reported that a few people in the audience challenged with Morris, and those who attended were said to be “both Orthodox Jews and members of student pro-Palestinian liberation groups.”

While the call to boycott Israeli academics and institutions has not yet taken root on U.S. campuses in any widespread way, there is a new development across the country that deserves urgent attention. Last month, educators of conscience launched the U.S. Campaign for the Academic & Cultural Boycott of Israel.  Several brave scholars—Rabab Abdulhadi, Nada Elia, Manzar Foroohar, Jess Ghannam, Sherna Berger Gluck, Sondra Hale, David Klein, Dennis Kortheuer, David Lloyd, Sunaina Maira, Marcy Newman, Edie Pistolesi, and Magid Shihade—initiated the effort and comprise the Organizing Committee. The Advisory Board includes: Bill Fletcher, Glen Ford, Mark Gonzales, Edward S. Herman, Robin D. G. Kelley, James Petras, and me. Specifically, the U.S. Campaign for the Academic & Cultural Boycott of Israel comes in response to international calls by the Palestinian Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel (PACBI) and by more than 500 Israeli citizens to foreign embassies in Tel Aviv to stand up and challenge Israel’s unlawful assault on the people and institutions of Gaza.

Israel’s latest assault on Gaza has killed at least 1,300 Palestinians, one third of them children, and injured 5,300 or more–the vast majority of whom are civilians who endured incessant bombardment that amounts to collective punishment and blatant war crimes. After three weeks of renewed attacks since Israel launched air strikes on December 27, 2008 against the 1.5 million Palestinians, Israel unilaterally declared a cease-fire and withdrew from Gaza. It has been a tenuous cease-fire given that Israel continues to assert its political right to attack Gaza if Hamas continues firing rockets across the border, and has done so since the withdrawal, even though under international law, Palestinians have the right to engage in armed resistance because they are illegally occupied. In the U.S. media, Hamas is represented as the aggressor with little or no acknowledgment that it was Israel that broke the cease fire on November 4, 2008; while the world’s attention was focused on the U.S. presidential elections Israel launched a raid into Gaza and killed six Hamas men to provoke a response that would create a pretext for further invasion.

Israel has also consistently targeted educational institutions of all kinds. Since December 27, Israel bombed the Islamic University of Gaza, the Ministry of Education, the American International School, at least 10 United Nations Reliefs and Work Agency schools, and numerous other educational facilities. Israeli’s actions against the Palestinians have been fully supported by the US government through military aid and diplomatic oversight. Because of this, we in the United States have a particular moral obligation to speak out in protest of Israel’s compounded aggression as it fortifies an apartheid regime of settler colonialism in the occupied territories.  We must ask why there are economic sanctions against the occupied rather than the occupier.

Educators of conscience who support the U.S. Campaign urge our colleagues, nationally, regionally, and internationally, to stand up against Israel’s ongoing scholasticide and to support the non-violent call for academic boycott, disinvestment, and sanctions. The mission of the U.S. Campaign for the Academic & Cultural Boycott of Israel is clear: (1) Refraining from participation in any form of academic and cultural cooperation, collaboration or joint projects with Israeli institutions that do not vocally oppose Israeli state policies against Palestine; (2) Advocating a comprehensive boycott of Israeli institutions at the national and international levels, including suspension of all forms of funding and subsidies to these institutions; (3) Promoting divestment and disinvestment from Israel by international academic institutions; (4) Working toward the condemnation of Israeli policies by pressing for resolutions to be adopted by academic, professional and cultural associations and organizations; and (5) Supporting Palestinian academic and cultural institutions directly without requiring them to partner with Israeli counterparts as an explicit or implicit condition for such support.

The U.S. Campaign for the Academic & Cultural Boycott of Israel draws on the same strategy that created the global movement that put an end to apartheid in South Africa: Boycott, Divest, Sanction (BDS). BDS is an effective way to put non-violent external pressure on Israel. In the form of an academic, cultural and economic boycott of Israel, educators of conscience can help bring an end to the ongoing massacres of civilians and the occupation of Gaza and Palestine as part of a comprehensive boycott, including divestment, political sanctions, and the immediate halt to all military aid, sales and deliveries to Israel.

This boycott should be maintained until Israel meets its obligation to recognize the Palestinian people’s inalienable right to self-determination and fully complies with the precepts of international law by: 1) Ending its occupation and colonization of all Arab lands and dismantling the Wall; 2) Recognizing the fundamental rights of the Arab-Palestinian citizens of Israel to full equality; and 3) Respecting, protecting and promoting the rights of Palestinian refugees to return to their homes and properties as stipulated in UN resolution 194.

Although the U.S. Campaign specifically addresses institutions and not individuals, hopefully we’ll see a louder moral outcry on the next campus where Benny Morris and any other Zionist may be invited to lecture.

J. Kehaulani Kauanui, Ph.D. is an associate professor of American studies and anthropology at Wesleyan University. She is the producer and host of a public affairs radio program, “Indigenous Politics: From Native New England and Beyond,” on WESU, Middletown, CT, which is syndicated throughout 13 states along the eastern seaboard of the U.S. and archived online:  Her first book, Hawaiian Blood: Colonialism and the Politics of Sovereignty and Indigeneity, is newly released from Duke University Press. She is on the Advisory Board for the U.S. Campaign for the Academic & Cultural Boycott of Israel.


35 responses to “Educators of Conscience Call for an Academic Boycott of Israel

  1. Pingback: Educators of Conscience Call for an Academic Boycott of Israel « U.S. Campaign for the Academic & Cultural Boycott of Israel

  2. Aloha e Kehau,
    Timely & Tough…as we must be to challenge this level of wrongs against humanity. Will forward to others. Mahalo for keeping an eye on the world of wrongs.

    ke aloha no,

  3. Darshan Elena Campos

    Thank you, Kehaulani, for speaking truth to power. For too long have Palestinians been dispossessed of their voices in academia, a fact which has compounded their dispossession from Palestine.

  4. Auntie Pua Nani Rogers

    Maita`i loa e Kehaulani!

    So proud of you and of your eleu and akamai!

    Great action to get the U.S. to pay attention.

    Mahaaaalo! Auntie Nani

  5. Excellent, Kehaulani! It’s also interesting to note that when Israel was first formed, a black Jew wanted to immagrate to the new Jewish State but was refused because of his ethnicity was black. Talk about being a racist country!

    • Tane, Israel at great expense and risk rescued the Ethiopian Jewish community and brought them to Israel on the wings of eagles. There is a large black Jewish community in Israel that even serves in the Army. Your statement about one black person in the past, that may be untrue or was not Jewish is another lie from the Boycott Israel crowd. If you must lie your cause is neither just nor truthful.

  6. I am proud to be your colleague at Wesleyan, Kehaulani , and I fully support this boycott as a Jew and as citizen of the world. I was horrified to learn that of all people, Benny Morris, an apologist for the Israeli government’s cruel policies, was invited to speak at Wesleyan at a time like this. This latest humanitarian disaster visited upon the Palestinian people in Gaza by Israel, propelled me for the first time in my life to speak out as a Jew and say, along with those in the group I helped organize: Jews Say No: Not in Our Name!  Never Again, Not in Gaza, Not Anywhere

  7. Hello. I am a little puzzled and I’d like to share a few questions with you. Provided that I do not share Prof. Morris’ view and that I do not support many of the policies that the Israeli state has adopted over the years, I wonder:
    1) Is the proposed boycott a fair and intelligent response to Mr. Morris’ stand? Would it be considered fair to boycott American (French, Argentinian…) institutions because one doesn’t agree with what some of their professors say?
    2) Why not reacting with the same indignation when other states (Saudi Arabia, Iran, Syria, China or Russia, just to mention a few) murder civilians and dissenters and carry out all sorts of inhuman policies?
    3) What about Hamas? Has it done anything to promote a peaceful solution to the conflict? Hamas has been firing rockets for years and refuses to deal with the situation in a civil, constructive way. Why is Israel getting all the blame? (Well, these are questions of a different kind, but I think they are tightly connected with my questions in points 1 and 2).

    I think these questions should be openly and honestly considered before embracing the boycott that has been proposed.

  8. 1) The US Campaign’s boycott is not a response to Morris’ lecture at Wesleyan. As specified in my column, the boycott “comes in response to international calls by the Palestinian Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel (PACBI) and by more than 500 Israeli citizens to foreign embassies in Tel Aviv to stand up and challenge Israel’s unlawful assault on the people and institutions of Gaza.”

    2) My column does not discuss anything regarding Saudi Arabia, Iran, Syria, China or Russia. Is there a US Campaign that I should know about for any of these? If so, please let me know and I will cnsider the merits of each call to determine if I support or not. The rationale for the US Campaign is clear. Please see the website for more information:

    3) Regarding Hamas, I encourage you to examine international law on the right of self-defense of a people under Occupation (for a start, see Article 51 of the UN Charter, and the Geneva Conventions on the Law of War). The principle of proportionality should also be considered.

  9. Thank you for your response. I know that it is not the lecture at Wesleyan that spurred the boycott, but it seems to me that in your column Mr. Morris’ view is exploited to justify a boycott that shouldn’t have anything to do with his views.

    The fact that there are no boycotts of this sort against other countries, seems to me to indicate that Israel has been singled out as particularly “bad”. My point is: there are other “bad guys” and I have not found any similar actions against them. Which makes me question the fairness of this boycott, not its legitimacy. (The only university-led actions of this sort I know of, were against the genocidal government of Sudan, a few years ago.)

    “Occupation” is a term that should be applied to the West Bank, not to Gaza.

  10. I did not explain myself well: “The only RECENT university-led actions of this sort I know of, were against the genocidal government of Sudan, a few years ago.”

  11. In reading this article I find myself asking many questions. For not supporting the academic, cultural, monetary divestment from Israel am I not an “educator of conscience?”

    How come Israel’s actions in Gaza and Hamas’s rocket firing into Israel are being treated differently? Dr. Kauanui in response to a comment on her article urges us to look at the United Nations Charter Article 51 to justify Hamas actions of “self-defense.” My reading of the article also justifies Israel’s actions to suppress rocket attacks. “Nothing in the present Charter shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defense if an armed attack occurs against a Member of the United Nations, until the Security Council has taken measures necessary to maintain inter- national peace and security. Measures taken by Members in the exercise of this right of self-defense shall be immediately reported to the Security Council and shall not in any way affect the authority and responsibility of the Security Council under the present Charter to take at any time such action as it deems necessary in order to maintain or restore international peace and security.” Clearly, attacks on either side are not helping the cause for peace.

    How do academic and cultural boycotts of Israel advance the cause for a long lasting peace in between Israelis and the Palestinian people? Why should academics, who do not have influence on the government, not be able to study in or collaborate with academics in the US? As, others have asked, should the world have boycotted US institutions since the invasion of Iraq?

    Finally, why, as Ms. Viale pointed out, is Israel singled out in such an action? The real question here is: where does anti-Semitism come into play in the actions for boycotting Israeli academe?

    Anti-Semitism is on the rise. A recent Anti Defamation League poll found that in seven European countries (Austria, France, Hungary, Poland, Germany, Spain and the United Kingdom) 31% of the respondents blame Jews in the financial industry for the current global economic crisis. Overall, 40% of Europeans believe that Jews have too much power in the business world, with more than half of Hungarian, Spanish and Polish respondents agreeing with that statement.

    This call for unprecedented academic boycott (in recent years) seems to be another form of the rising anti-Semitism.

    Real and lasting peace between Israel and Palestine requires both governments and their citizens to decide to work together, not through punitive actions against Israeli academics.

  12. I think your points are extremely well taken, Mr. Drezner. I did not consider the issue of anti-semitism in my comments, because I very strongly hope that this boycott is not another case of (latent) anti-semitism, and because I want to trust the good faith of the people behind it. However, the fact that no such boycott has been launched against any other current government/institutions of any other country where horrible things happen, leads me to think that you may have a point there. And this is an extremely sad and appalling thing to realize.

  13. The website has a lot of resources that address all of these questions and concerns

    In particular, if one scrolls down and looks to the right hand column, once can see a litany of links to articles that answer the question, Why a boycott? and, Why Israel?

  14. (Note: I believe there is wrong doing on the parts of both Israel and Palestine).

    In support of Dr. Drezner’s nuanced comments, I urge people to read the article below:

    Gaza, slump seen spurring rise in anti-Semitism

    Minneapolis LONDON (Reuters) – Israel’s offensive in Gaza and the global economic downturn have spurred a rise in physical and verbal attacks on Jews, participants in an international conference on anti-Semitism said Tuesday.

    “In the last six weeks, we have seen an explosion of anti-Semitic activity and behavior — which I would describe as a pandemic — as a result of both the Gaza war and the economic crisis being blamed on Jews,” Abraham Foxman, national director of the Anti-Defamation League, a U.S. civil rights group, said.

    “Since World War Two we have not seen so many attacks on Jews, Jewish institutions, synagogues,” he told Reuters during a London conference on anti-Semitism attended by 125 legislators from 40 countries.

    British Foreign Office Minister Mark Malloch-Brown said there had been a sharp rise in anti-Semitic incidents in Britain and elsewhere in Europe after the Gaza campaign.

    Several countries have reported an increase in anti-Semitism during Israel’s 22-day offensive in Gaza which ended with a January 18 truce with Palestinian Islamist group Hamas.

    France’s main Jewish association CRIF recorded more than 100 attacks in January, up from 20 to 25 a month in the previous two years.

    Some 250 anti-Semitic incidents were recorded in Britain in the four weeks after fighting began in Gaza, compared with 541 incidents over the whole of last year, a charity that protects the Jewish community was reported last week as saying.

    In Venezuela, armed men vandalized the Tiferet synagogue in January while Turkey’s centuries-old Jewish community said it was alarmed by anti-Semitism that emerged during protests at Israel’s Gaza assault.

    “(There’s) no doubt that each time when Israel has to struggle, to fight, to protect its citizens, the anti-Semitic feelings all over the world grow up,” said Natan Sharansky, a former Israeli government minister.

    A survey by the Anti-Defamation League published last week found that stereotypes about Jewish power in business still held strong in Europe.

    The poll of 3,500 people in Austria, France, Hungary, Poland, Germany, Spain and Britain found 31 percent blamed Jews in the financial industry for the global economic crisis.

    David Harris, executive director of the American Jewish Committee, a lobby group, said there was a consensus at the conference that anti-Semitism had reached new heights.

    Israel’s campaign in Gaza was “just another factor” in a much larger issue, he said. While anti-Semitism was focused to a large degree in Europe, it was a global problem, he said.

    The increase in anti-Semitism was set against a backdrop of the economic crisis “which only makes matters worse by accusing Jews of nefarious economic crimes,” he told Reuters.

    The legislators, most of whom were not Jewish, agreed to a declaration urging governments to stop anti-Semitic programs being broadcast on satellite television and to teach children about the Holocaust, racism and anti-Semitism.

  15. I read the first few articles on the right side of the website (Abed, Baker). I am more puzzled than before. For example, there is no reference to the Hamas charter and its call for the destruction of Israel and the creation of an Islamic state on the whole territory currently including Israel, Gaza and the West Bank. Since the issues of colonialism, occupation, and brutality are constantly underlined in these articles and on the call for the boycott, I find it strange that no boycott be advocated against Palestinian institutions which do not voice their opposition to Hamas and its illegal and violent tactics of “self-defense” (e.g. rockets aimed purposefully at civilian centers, brutal repression of Fatah members within Gaza, etc). If this boycott were seriously interested in humanitarian issues, there would be condemnation of the violent and illegal tactics of Hamas and its followers, which cannot be justified in any code of law or UN document.

    Also, dismissing the case of Tibet as a less relevant issue for the West, is a very poor argument. Are innocent, ordinary Tibetans less worthy of attention than innocent, ordinary Palestinians?

    This boycott singles out Israel in an unfair way. Criticizing Israel is fair; singling it out is not.

  16. It is difficult to keep above the fray, but this debate has deteriorated into the gutter of anti-Semitism and mud-slinging.

    For the record, I am an indigenous Palestinian citizen of Israel, racially a Semite and very likely a descendant of Jews though I cannot prove it beyond the fact that my ancestors have lived in Galilee from times immemorial.

    I am a Public Health physician and a pacifist. Anyone interested in getting a glimpse of Israeli democracy as experienced by the Palestinian 20% of Israel’s citizens is invited to read my just published book of memoirs, ‘A Doctor in Galilee, The life and Struggle of a Palestinian in Israel’.

    Which brings me to the point being debated here: What peaceful means do we have at hand to try and change our unjust treatment other than turning to the international community for bringing academic and economic pressure on Israel in the hope that it will amend its apartheid practices, an extremely distant likelihood given the mood of the majority in Israel as proven by the outcome of our just concluded elections. The major winner of these elections and the king-maker in forming the coming coalition is a man heading a party that ran on hate-mongering and the call for the transfer of Arab citizens out of the country and for which calls of “Death to Arabs” were standard at election rallies.

    As to calls for boycotting Hamas, we all seem to forget that it has been already boycotted by no less than the USA and the EU. It and the people who elected it have been put in a virtual prison, deprived and starved and then used as experimental subjects for trying out the newest developments in explosive weaponry.

    Putting all of that aside, it does seem to me that blowing up academic institutions is an extreme form of academic boycott.

    So, I did enter the fray, and for that I don’t feel any better. Logic doesn’t always make sense, does it?.


  17. Israel broke the cease fire and intentionally provoked the rocket attacks. Israel also carried out targeted extra-judicial assassinations and a criminal blockade as part of their provocation agenda. Spewing Zionist propaganda about how Hamas are the bad guy “terrorists” and the totally discredited rocket attacks pretense is idiotic. This belligerent and calculated massacre in Gaza is unforgivable and a blatant act of State Terrorism. Israel’s four decade long illegal and brutal genocidal occupation is a moral and political abomination. They have been the stubborn barrier to peace by continually by adhering to the logic of their racist neo-colonial program and having the backing of the U.S to shield them of any responsibility or culpability. This Zionist blaming the victims game is pathetic and a true sign of how morally bankrupt the state of Israel really is. People are waking up the lies and propaganda of Zionist Israel and its despicable racist apartheid regime. Its disappointing to see the same old Zionist nonsense being put forth but I guess thats what a fascist ideology can do to some people. Using the anti-semite canard is laughable. If you can’t understand why Israel is the problem and how the unrelenting colonizing and ethnic cleansing of Palestinians going on since before 1948, which in the last four decades has been given a free pass thanks to the backing by the U.S. , than you are deluded and unfortunately a brainwashed stooge. And to Danielle, saying that Gaza is not Occupied is tantamount to saying Iraq had WMD’s. Get a clue. The Occupation is a crime against humanity and has been going on with impunity for far to long. In closing I invite people to check out the International Jewish Anti-Zionist Network on the web at

  18. A useful article to consider

    The Jailer State

    By Oren Yiftachel

    Israel has turned Gaza into a massive prison, and is choosing to prolong the cycle of state terror and prisoner resistance that goes with that, writes Israeli academic Oren Yiftachel

    “We have a great opportunity now in Gaza to smash and flatten them…[We] should destroy thousand of houses, tunnels and industries, and kill as many terrorists as possible…”

    So declared Eli Yishai, Israel’s Deputy Prime Minister, a few days ago. On the same day Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni promised “to topple the Hamas Regime”, and Israel’s Prime Minister, Ehud Olmert demanded in every forum to “hermetically seal” the Gazan-Egyptian border.

    These, and many similar statements by Israeli leaders, sketch in painful clarity the “political geography of mass incarceration” increasingly evident in Israel/Palestine. Under this regime large populations are locked into specific areas against their will, and often against international law, and are then subject to the mercy of their wardens. Typically, when the conditions of imprisonment become unbearable, a rebellion erupts, and is suppressed by violent collective punishment, which in turn sets the conditions for the next uprising.

    This is how Israel is now treating its rebelling prisoners in Gaza. As its leaders’ statements show, Israel seeks to lock them in the tiny strip and punish them with enormous force. At the same time Israel is further institutionalising the geography of incarceration and with it the likelihood of future uprisings.

    This is not a new phenomenon, nor is it peculiar to the Palestinian situation: European colonialism widely used mass incarceration of indigenous groups, condensing them in reserves and Bantustans, to enable whites to freely exploit land, minerals and labour. Today too, racist governments attempt to deal with the existence of unwanted populations by applying methods of spatial containment and violent “punishment”, as evident in the cases of Chechnya, Kosovo, Kashmir, Darfur and Tamil Eelam in Sri Lanka. The key to this spreading political order is the prevention of the rebelling region from gaining state sovereignty, leaving it “neither in nor out” of the state’s control system. As a non-state entity, resistance of the jailed against colonial power is often criminalised, leading the state’s self-righteous claim that it has no choice but to further oppress the anti-colonial struggle.

    Importantly, the mass incarceration strategy is usually not the preferred option. It is typically employed only when the colonial power has lost some of its ability to settle and control the land by other, softer, means, and when the option of ethnic cleansing has become too embarrassing or unpopular. Much to the regret of racist regimes, this is the situation today. Hence, mass incarceration remains one of the main policy options for colonial states aiming to dominate indigenous populations.

    Back to Israel/Palestine: Gaza had turned into an open-air jail by the late 1940s when over 150,000 Palestinian refugees were driven by Israel into the small region (covering just 1.7 per cent of British Palestine), joining its 60,000 previous residents. The refugees were never allowed to return to their lands and homes which were confiscated and destroyed. Ironically, it was during the “peace process” of the early 90s that the incarceration of Gaza intensified, with a sequence of closures, movement restrictions and the construction in 1994 of a massive barrier around the Strip. Following the 2005 disengagement and the election of Hamas, Israel’s illegal siege around the area was taken up a notch with a near-total blockade of movement and trade.

    Gaza is a severe case, but it’s not unique. Since its establishment, Israel’s ethnocratic regime has worked incessantly to Judaise the country by confiscating Palestinian lands, constructing hundreds of Jewish settlements and restricting the Palestinians to small enclaves. This began with the military government inside the Green Line until 1966, and the establishment of a “fenced area” for the Bedouins in the south, which operates until today. Since the 1990s, the ghettoisation of Palestinians continued with the demarcation of areas A, B and C in the occupied territories, with the advent of closures and checkpoints, and finally with the construction of the wall — all helping to fragment Palestine into dozens of isolated enclaves.

    The long-term geographical impact of the Judaisation policy has been dramatic. For example, the Palestinians in Israel, constitute 18 per cent of the population, but control less than 3 per cent of the land. In the entire area between Jordan and sea, the population is just under 50 per cent Palestinian, but they control only 13 per cent of the land. Critically however, Judaisation seems to have reached its limits, and since the Oslo period Israel has been re-arranging its colonial geography to fit that realisation.

    The difference between Gaza and the other enclaves is the depth of its isolation and its persistent rebellion. The Hamas leadership never accepted the Oslo illusion, or the promise of “two states for two people” enshrined in the “roadmap” or the “Annapolis process”. They have realised that the promise has become an empty rhetoric which enables the ongoing colonisation of their lands. In the meantime, the promised Palestinian state has become fragmented, suffocated and impoverished.

    And what has been Israel’s response to this crisis? The deepening of mass incarceration, “necessitated” to protect Jewish settlement, maintaining at the same time a massive campaign of personal incarceration, during which Israel has arrested over 10,000 people, and imprisoned them without trials, a group which includes dozens of Palestinian parliamentarians. The incarceration policy has thus resulted in the creation of prisons within prisons.

    While the geography of incarceration is typically explained as a security measure, its appeal is also increasing for economic reasons. During the current age of globalisation, personal, commercial and financial movement has become essential for development and prosperity. The geography of mass incarceration helps to keep the unwanted outside the riches of this process. Therefore, the ongoing fortification around Gaza, including the current invasion, also put in place a system of protecting Jewish economic privileges.

    Palestinian violence plays an important part in the creation of this geography, through the hostile dialectic between coloniser and colonised. For example, the shelling of Israeli civilians by Hamas and suicide bombing of previous years are clear acts of terror, which gave legitimacy within Israeli society to carry out the incarceration policy. But Palestinian violence, and particularly the shelling from Gaza should also be perceived as a prison uprising, currently suppressed with terror by the Israeli state, which kills many more civilians and creates infinitely more damage than the initial act of resistance. This is the cycle of suppression, resistance and suppression maintained through the which exists within a geography of incarceration

    It is important to note, however, that the option of rebellion only intensifies the punishment and killing, but not the basic geography of imprisonment. Hence, even after the current invasion is over, Israel will undoubtedly continue to use this strategy in both Gaza and the (non-rebelling) West Bank, and in softer forms inside the Green Line, where Israel’s Palestinian citizens are also contained in small enclaves. I have termed this process “creeping apartheid” — an undeclared yet powerful political order which creates vastly unequal forms of citizenship under one ruling power. Rights under such regimes are determined by a combination of ethnic affiliation and place of birth. This cannot be illustrated more vividly than by noting the differences in mobility and property rights — Jews are free to move and purchase land in almost the entire area under Israeli control, while Palestinians are limited to separated enclaves — Gazans in Gaza only, Jerusalemites only in Jerusalem and so on.

    This type of political geography tends to result in a chain of absurdities. Here is one: the invasion and destruction of Gaza is carried out by an ousted Israeli Government, and is actively supported by a defeated US Administration. The two governments which lost power are violently attacking in their dying days the democratically elected Government of Palestine. This leads to the next absurdity: instead of condemning and placing sanctions on Israel, which has put Gaza under siege for the last two years, the world has imposed sanctions over the Hamas Government. In this way the occupied are punished twice: once by the brutal occupation, and a second time attempting to resist.

    Sadly, these absurdities are not surprising, being part of the geography of mass incarceration, under which the colonial power will recognise the prisoners’ leadership only if they refrain from rebelling against their incarceration, as is currently the case with the Abbas regime in the West Bank. In the case of a rebellion, however, its leaders are likely to be oppressed and often eliminated.

    What may be slightly (but not entirely) more surprising is that Israeli leadership and society have not learnt from history that a geography of mass incarceration exists on borrowed time. Such as geography can never receive legitimacy, and hence cannot create security for the jailing side. On the contrary, instability and constant rebellions are likely to undermine the incarcerating regime itself.

    To conclude, against the reality of mass incarceration, it may be advisable to listen to Mahmoud Darwish’s wise words: “My prison guard looks me in the eye/ I can see his fear/ Like me, he knows that/ today’s warden is already tomorrow’s prisoner.

  19. Daniel Leisawitz

    This boycott is indeed a troubling indicator of ideological blindness on the part of its proponents. Your ideological and partisan blinders are clearly evidenced in the inaccurate and one-sided account of the events leading up to the war in Gaza and the war itself (the 4th paragraph of the opening statement).

    A few questions for you to consider:
    1) How does refusing to work with any Isreali academic whose institution does not explicitly conform to your political vision help anyone in this situation? Are you seriously proposing a litmus test of this kind, stubbornly refusing to work with any who doesn’t agree with you politically?

    2) Why is your attempt at collective academic punishment limited to Israelis? Would you demand that every Palestinian or Chinese or British academic sign on to your political loyalty oath before agreeing to work with them? Surely, by following your logic, one could make a strong case for boycotting all Palestinian institutions that do not publicly disavow Hamas. Clearly, this is not a good idea, and neither is a boycott against Israel.

    The premises of this boycott are misguided and blindly self-righteous. The version of reality that it is based on is clearly biased and ideologically driven. The complicated nature of reality is willfully ignored. These indicators do not reflect dedication to serious scholarship.

    You may certainly disagree with Israeli policy, but boycotting Israeli academia is surely not an intelligent strategy for changing the situation. What is necessary is dialogue and cooperation on all sides.

    Consider for a moment if the academics of another country were to boycott US academics, because of the US’s policies in Iraq, Afghanistan Guantánamo etc. After all, many, many more civilians have died in Iraq and Afghanistan than in Gaza. Would you expect such treatment? Whether you agree with US policies or not, would you submit to a political litmus test before being able to collaborate with foreign academics? Would you think that this form of collective punishment (and I use this term purposefully) is an effective one?

    Thank you for your consideration. And let us try to behave constructively, and with an open mind in confronting this terrible and complicated situation.

  20. Daniel

    You are clearly deluded on this issue. Debating you would be an unproductive use of time. Boycotting Israel is necessary and will be used for this struggle against the despicable colonial tyranny of Israel. I’m truly sorry you don’t get it. You will likely never get it but the world does and will.

    The only troubling ideological blindness in this equation is Zionism. Israel does not dialogue and cooperate in good faith, it never has and most likely never will unless the U.S tells it to. Israel is and always has been the stubborn roadblock to any solution except one ethnocentric colonial apartheid state.

    Should other countries boycott the U.S for our imperial slaughter and greed, YES. But we are not talking about the U.S we are talking about Israel and its decades long illegal occupation, oppression of the Palestinians and egregious violation of international law. International pressure must be asserted and will be asserted until Israel complies with international law.

    Also I would be careful when using the term loyalty oath given that it seems to be one of the real political solutions looming in the political sphere of Israel right now. I find it funny you feel the need to totally misuse it in your feeble attempt at trying to discredit the boycott. And your blatant mischaracterizing of Hamas really shows how clouded your understanding of the situation is.

  21. Please, let’s keep the eyes on the ball, as Daniel did: we are talking about the fairness of this boycott, and not about what we think governments around the world should do. What governments do vis-a-vis Israel is one issue; this academic boycott is another. Lastly “you don’t get it” and such expressions reflect really poorly on the person who uses them, not on the person to whom they are addressed.

  22. The opposition divestment and boycott of Israel is not about facts for many who are participating here in the discussion. These talking points are quite the same one hears by other Israel-supporters who want to shut the debate and confuse the issue. If you examine ADL, AIPAC and other Zionist websites, you will find the same talking points, which are not only tactic of smearing (anti-Semitism…), but also quiet racists, because whatever you think of Hamas, justifying the killing of over 1300 Palestinians for sending primitive rockets into Israel after Israel broke the ceasefire is quiet racist to say the least.
    Here are couple of articles/essays on Gaza for you to google so that the records are corrected regarding the Israeli and its supporters’ claims about what happened in Gaza…:
    Joseph Massad: on Gaza and “Israel’s right for self defense”
    Magid Shihade: Slaughterhouse Gaza in SAMAR Magazine
    Avi Shlaim on Gaza, which also appeared on Democracy Now.

    In addition here few answers/questions for you:
    1. Why Israel?
    Are we really singling out Israel? Or Israel singling itself out as a state with the highest record of violations of International Law, UN resolutions, and who has been acting with impunity for too long, which is a result of the backing of the U.S. Neither China nor any other country is backed as such by the U.S.
    Is the U.S. funding China and supporting it in any occupation?
    Is the U.S. vetoing any UN resolution against the Sudan, China, Saudi Arabia?
    Does any country have that “special relationship” with the U.S.?
    Do critics of China get fired from their jobs as happened to Joel Kovel, Norman Finkelstein among others?
    If any academic proposed action against China, Sudan, or any other country, does he/she get attacked by Israel’s watchdogs in the U.S.?
    Is there silencing campaigns to limit the debate around and actions as with the case with Israel, its supporters in the U.S. government, the network of organizations, and academics and pseudo academics who are unleashed every time the critique of Israeli policies and actions appear?
    Do talks and publications of critics of China….get cancelled, or obstructed as what happened with Tony Judt, Mearsheimer and Walt among others??
    2. On the question of one sided/two sided?
    Does Hamas get the backing of the U.S.?
    Are Hamas and Israel treated the same even by you? Did you ever condemned Israeli policies and actions? Does non-Jewish blood matter to you? It does not seem so since you never condemn the killing of Palestinians by Israel. So, if there is any one singling out and one sided it is you who want to support Israel—right or wrong—and who want to keep Israel acting with impunity, and who want to keep the U.S. funding and backing Israel, and preventing the international community that created Israel in the first place, from taking legal actions against a state that violated over 70 UN resolutions.
    3. On the question of Semitism/Anti-Semitism:
    I suggest you read Joseph Massad (on the Semites and Anti Semites). But for short: those who are using this term are not only buying into European race theories that was the cause of so many genocides, but also and consequently they sound anti-Semites and racists themselves. In addition you can read Norman Finkelstein: The Holocaust Industry: The Use and Misuse of Anti Semitism.

    Also, if you think that Gaza is not “occupation”, I suggest that you go live there for few days/weeks and let us know then how do you feel about Israel’s role there: Is it occupation or not…

    Finally, I am not going to respond to the usual Zionist talking points and reactions. But if you oppose the genocide against Native Americans, you must oppose the genocide against Native Palestinians. Otherwise this is the usual hypocrisy and worse kind of tribalism, that no progressive person should be doing.
    Here few other articles/books for you to look at:
    1. Mahmood Mamdani: The Politics of Naming
    2. Baruch Kimmerling: Politicide
    3. Ilan Pappe: Ethnic Cleansing in Palestine
    4. Nur Masalha: Transfer in Zionist Ideology

    Finally, if you want to show consistency, you should allow the campaign to go without smearing ( which we really do not care about by the way), to show consistency on your part and not singling out Israel for impunity. It would be even better if you support it to show commitment to anti-Racism.

  23. Here another couple of points about the issue of recognition…
    It is another example of singling out, exceptionalism to ask those colonized to in advance of any settlement to recognize the right of the state of Israel to exist (read to colonize), and it is another example of racism to do so.
    There is no major Israeli party that recognizes the right of Palestinians for self determination and UN resolutions affirming that. Furthermore, there are parties in Israel that call for ethnic cleansing of Palestinians even those who are citizens yet they are part of Israeli coalition governments.
    Not only the state is racist by definition, a Jewish state not a state for its citizens, which has a built in racism and ethnic cleansing against non Jews, but it is also an Apartheid State by laws and privileges (Uri Davis: Israel is an Apartheid State), but has also a racist Jewish majority public that does not recognize the principle of equality with other citizens who are not Jews (Palestinian Arab natives to that land).
    Fore more on that see:
    Nimer Sultany: Citizens without Citizenship

    The question is now as it was before:
    How could one support a racist and criminal state that is in violation of so many international norms, treaties, and UN resolutions, and want to keep that state acting with impunity?
    How could one support racism?
    How could one want to silence debates and actions against such a state that without US aid and support will not be able to exist as such and act with such a criminal record?
    Are there academics who support racism, genocide, ethnic cleansing, and aggression, and yet have the space and chutzpah to smear others who want to bring justice and end racism? This is what is exceptional, and what is singling out is about not the other way around.

  24. Daniel Leisawitz

    It is quite easy, and disingenuous, to dismiss as mere “talking points” the facts and opinions of those with whom you do not agree. But by that as it may, I still have not read a convincing argument for how boycotting and isolating Israeli academics would better the situation.

    How does cutting off dialogue and cooperation with those with whom you do not agree politically and/or ideologically solve anything? Do the supporters of this boycott truly believe that by stubbornly refusing to acknowledge Israeli academics in any field, a just peace will be achieved between Israel and the Palestinians? Do they really think it is fair to demand that academics from one, single country pass a political litmus test before agreeing to work with them?

    I just do not see any rational or compelling argument for this kind of discrimination.

  25. I think people who are REALLY interested in tackling these questions would have found all the answers on the website of USPACBI that was provided in the original post.
    Those who want not to understand but pass judgments are the ones who are repeating the same questions and dismissing the all the answers here on the posts and on the website, and those who think that boycotting someone like Benny Morris who argued that genocide and ethnic cleansing was necessary for the U.S. and that Israel should have done the same, they are confused about what is discrimination, racism, and fascism, and what is our stand ought to be towards their ideological enablers.
    But if you want to help racism and cooperate with its ideological enablers such as Benny Morris, please do, but say so and do not try to claim that I am “passing judgment” and “dismissing” questions that nothing but as racist Benny Morris’ or ignorant and do not want to look up and read the info provided here and on the website for the boycott of Israel, its racism and genocide, and its ideological enablers such as Benny Morris.
    This campaign is also about opening a space to fight racism here and in Israel, because they are very much linked, and if you call that discrimination that you need to do some reading. Morally, it is easy to claim all things about the U.S. and its history, this thing we are trying to do is happening now, and no one could claim not to know or not able to do anything if one has clear moral stands, and want to learn and acts upon that.

  26. For a compelling piece, see Naomi Klein’s, “Israel: Boycott, Divest, Sanction”:

    Thanks to Magid Shihade, Lewis, and Hatim Kanaaneh for laying it out there in the face of several messages that seem quite disingenuous.

  27. Here’s a short excerpt from Klein’s piece worth considering:

    “Here are the top four objections to the BDS strategy, followed by counterarguments.

    1. Punitive measures will alienate rather than persuade Israelis. The world has tried what used to be called “constructive engagement.” It has failed utterly. Since 2006 Israel has been steadily escalating its criminality: expanding settlements, launching an outrageous war against Lebanon and imposing collective punishment on Gaza through the brutal blockade. Despite this escalation, Israel has not faced punitive measures—quite the opposite. The weapons and $3 billion in annual aid that the US sends to Israel is only the beginning. Throughout this key period, Israel has enjoyed a dramatic improvement in its diplomatic, cultural and trade relations with a variety of other allies. For instance, in 2007 Israel became the first non–Latin American country to sign a free-trade deal with Mercosur. In the first nine months of 2008, Israeli exports to Canada went up 45 percent. A new trade deal with the European Union is set to double Israel’s exports of processed food. And on December 8, European ministers “upgraded” the EU-Israel Association Agreement, a reward long sought by Jerusalem.*

    It is in this context that Israeli leaders started their latest war: confident they would face no meaningful costs. It is remarkable that over seven days of wartime trading, the Tel Aviv Stock Exchange’s flagship index actually went up 10.7 percent. When carrots don’t work, sticks are needed.

    2. Israel is not South Africa. Of course it isn’t. The relevance of the South African model is that it proves that BDS tactics can be effective when weaker measures (protests, petitions, back-room lobbying) have failed. And there are indeed deeply distressing echoes of South African apartheid in the occupied territories: the color-coded IDs and travel permits, the bulldozed homes and forced displacement, the settler-only roads. Ronnie Kasrils, a prominent South African politician, said that the architecture of segregation that he saw in the West Bank and Gaza was “infinitely worse than apartheid.” That was in 2007, before Israel began its full-scale war against the open-air prison that is Gaza.

    3. Why single out Israel when the United States, Britain and other Western countries do the same things in Iraq and Afghanistan? Boycott is not a dogma; it is a tactic. The reason the BDS strategy should be tried against Israel is practical: in a country so small and trade-dependent, it could actually work.

    4. Boycotts sever communication; we need more dialogue, not less. This one I’ll answer with a personal story. For eight years, my books have been published in Israel by a commercial house called Babel. But when I published The Shock Doctrine, I wanted to respect the boycott. On the advice of BDS activists, including the wonderful writer John Berger, I contacted a small publisher called Andalus. Andalus is an activist press, deeply involved in the anti-occupation movement and the only Israeli publisher devoted exclusively to translating Arabic writing into Hebrew. We drafted a contract that guarantees that all proceeds go to Andalus’s work, and none to me. In other words, I am boycotting the Israeli economy but not Israelis.”

  28. Joel Kovel, “Regarding My Termination by Bard College”:

    “This document argues that this termination of service is prejudicial and motivated neither by intellectual nor pedagogic considerations, but by political values, principally stemming from differences between myself and the Bard administration on the issue of Zionism. ”

    See the link for his full account:

  29. “Provided that I do not share Prof. Morris’ view and that I do not support many of the policies that the Israeli state has adopted over the years…”: these were my first words in my first comment, and I want to reiterate them in my last message against this boycott. There are many people who are NOT disingenuous, who acknowledge the fact that Israel has made mistakes, even big ones. At the same time though, these people do not fall prey of the rhetoric of Hamas and other groups like them. Hamas is a criminal organization and I refuse to grant them the respect, let alone the trust, that pro-peace, decent Palestinians, like pro-peace, decent Israelis, deserve. This is a flawed boycott because, as we say in Italian, “fa di tutta l’erba un fascio”, which means, it puts everyone in the same category – the good, the bad and the ugly. This is far from being fair.

  30. Magid Shihade

    If anyone one puts everyone in the same category it is such statement which show what is this really about. Would you use criminal as adjective of Israel and its policies? If not, why so? Furthermore, if you take Hamas out of the equation, where do you stand? After all this has been going on long before Hamas came to the scene. But of course, not only Hamas was helped and aided by Israel, but Israel and its apologists, will keep creating excuses to blame and designate criminal of anyone who stands against Israel. What is criminal is the original sin, not what comes afterward. If the question if of fairness, than we need to condemn Israeli crimes and refusal to make peace (as documented by Avi Shlaim and others) , and then when Israel stops its criminality and make peace, which this campaign hope to help to bring about, than you and anyone else, will have the right to judge Palestinians and any criminality they might do. After all, this is the old language of Europe (which includes the U.S. and Israel) to designate those under their colonial rule as savage, criminal, terrorist, and barbaric. Yet, people with clear conscious and moral standards know who are the real criminals, savages, terrorists, and barbaric are. It all started in 1492. There are those who support Morris and Israel openly. Others, cover up their support for Israel, in all kinds of ways, and mainly by shielding it from pressure, and want it to keep acting with impunity. Impunity of a criminal entity is nothing to defend, and what is unfair, if that matters at all, is to blame those who want to take a clear stand against genocidal state, before its too late. If Native Americans were vanished to make space for American “democracy”, as Morris argues as necessary, we have still time to take stand here so that the same thing does not happen to the Palestinians. Otherwise, we end up not only allowing this to happen again, but also covertly or not so supporting the current replay of an older version of settlers versus natives.

  31. I haven’t followed the correspondence closely for the past few weeks. Apologies, therefore, if anyone has already suggested the following articles:
    “How Israel brought Gaza to the brink of humanitarian catastrophe”
    Avi Shlaim, The Guardian, Jan 7, 2009
    What You Don’t Know About Gaza
    Published: January 7, 2009 NY Times Op-Ed
    London Review of Books
    Israel’s Lies. Henry Siegman.

  32. Henry Pemberton

    (in case anyone is still following this discussion):
    From somebody removed from the academic world: I can’t believe that you would take seriously the idea of an “academic boycott”. You guys are whom the rest of the world depends on for analysis and guided thought. Israel is rich with good thinkers, certainly in it’s academe, and those thinkers are respected and consulted. And they are not beholden to the government, just as you here are not; and there is a diversity of thought about Israel’s situation that we don’t here about so often in the US.
    There is a real empathy among many of those thinkers for Palestinian self reliance. They are so dedicated to figuring out how this could be feasible. Not just for self-interest: but because the care.

    The “academic world” should be about dialogue, not politics. One of the commentators above used the word “collaboration”. YES!

    The input you guys as thinkers can have is enormous! Don’t give it away imitating the politicians!

  33. To Boycott Israel…or Not?

    Naomi Klein and Rabbi Arthur Waskow debate whether divestment will bring peace to the Middle East.

    By Joel Bleifuss…or_not


    On Anti-Semitism, Boycotts, and the Case of Hermann Dierkes: An Open Letter from Jewish Peace Activists

    March 30, 2009

    We are peace activists of Jewish background. Some of us typically identify in this way; others of us do not. But we all object to those who claim to speak for all Jews or who use charges of anti-Semitism to attempt to squelch legitimate dissent.

    We have learned with dismay the allegations regarding Hermann Dierkes, a trade unionist and leader of the Left Party (DIE LINKE) in the German city of Duisburg. Dierkes, in response to the recent Israeli assault on Gaza expressed the view that one way people could help Palestinians obtain justice would be to support the call of the World Social Forum to boycott Israeli goods, so as to put pressure on the Israeli government.

    Dierkes has been subjected to widespread and vitriolic denunciations for anti-Semitism, and accused of calling for a repeat of the Nazi policy of the 1930s of boycotting Jewish products. Dierkes responded that “The demands of the World Social Forum have nothing in common with Nazi-type racist campaigns against Jews, but aim at changing the Israeli government’s policy of oppression of the Palestinians.”

    No one has made any claims of anti-Semitism against Dierkes for anything other than his support of the boycott. Yet he has been accused of “pure anti-Semitism” (Dieter Graumann the Vice-President of the Central Jewish Council), of uttering words comparable to “a mass execution at the edge of a Ukrainian forest” (Westdeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung editorialist Achim Beer), and of expressing “Nazi propaganda” (Hendrik Wuest, General Secretary of the Christian Democratic Party).

    We signatories have differing views on the wisdom and efficacy of calling for a boycott of Israeli goods. Some of us believe that such a boycott is an essential component of a campaign of boycott, divestment, and sanctions that can end the four-decade-long Israeli occupation; others think the better way to pressure the Israeli government is with a more selective boycott focused on institutions and corporations supporting the occupation. But all of us agree that it is essential to apply pressure against the Israeli government if peace and justice are to prevail in the Middle East and all of us agree that a call for a boycott of Israel has nothing in common with the Nazi policy of “Don’t buy from Jews.” It is no more anti-Semitic to boycott Israel to end the occupation than it was anti-white to boycott South Africa to end apartheid. Social justice movements have often called for boycotts or divestment, whether against the military regime in Burma or the government of Sudan. Wise or not, such calls are in no way discriminatory.

    Violence in the Middle East has indeed led to some acts of anti-Semitism in Europe. There was a call to boycott Jewish-owned stores in Rome that was widely and appropriately condemned. We deplore such bigotry. Israel’s crimes cannot be attributed to Jews as a whole. But, at the same time, a boycott of Israel cannot be equated with a boycott of Jews as a whole.

    An acute and disturbing form of racism rising in Europe today is Islamophobia and xenophobia directed at immigrants from Muslim countries. Dierkes has been a champion in defense of the rights of immigrants, while some of those who accuse all critics of Israel of being anti-Semitic often participate themselves — like the Israeli government and state — in such forms of racism.

    The Holocaust was one of the most horrific events in modern history. It is a dishonor to its victims to use its memory as a bludgeon to silence principled critics of Israel’s unconscionable treatment of Palestinians.

    [We have spent just a week gathering names on this letter, circulating it only in a few countries. We apologize to all those who would have liked to sign, but didn’t get a chance or whose names arrived too late for inclusion. For information on how you can help support this effort, please contact]


    (organizations listed for identification purposes only)


    Marc ABRAMOWICZ, Psychothérapeute

    Mateo ALALUF, Professeur, Université libre de Bruxelles

    Joëlle BAUMERDER, Directrice institution culturelle

    Marianne BLUME, Professeur

    Jacques BUDE, Professeur émérite, Université libre de Bruxelles

    Willy ESTERSOHN, Union des Progressistes Juifs de Belgique

    Fanny FILOSOF

    Thérèse FRANKFORT, Professeur

    Victor GINSBURGH, Professeur émérite, Université libre de Bruxelles

    Tom GOLDSCHMIDT, Journaliste

    Martine GOLDSTEIN, Psychologue, Université libre de Bruxelles

    Henri GOLDMAN, Auteur

    José GOTOVITCH, Professeur retraité

    Anne HERSCOVICI, Sociologue

    Miaden HERZL

    Henri HURWITZ, Professeur émérite, Université libre de Bruxelles

    Paul JACOBS, Professeur, Université libre de Bruxelles

    Willy KALB

    Daniel LIEBMAN, Romaniste

    Léon LIEBMAN, Magistrat honoraire

    Nicole MAYER, Professeur émérite, Université libre de Bruxelles

    Henri ROANNE-ROZENBLATT, Journaliste

    Dominique RODRIGUEZ, Union des Progressistes Juifs de Belgique

    Edith RUBINSTEIN, Femme en noir

    Serge SIMON, Ecrivain et Union des progressistes juifs de Belgique

    Michel STASZEWSKI, Professeur

    Léo TUBBAX

    Elie VAMOS, Médecin

    Esther VAMOS, Professeur émerite, Université libre de Bruxelles

    Serge VIDAL

    Jean VOGEL, Professeur, Université libre de Bruxelles

    Laurent VOGEL, Professeur, Université libre de Bruxelles

    Henri WAJNBLUM, Co-président de l’Union des Progressistes Juifs de Belgique


    Elizabeth BLOCK, Not In Our Name: Jewish Voices Opposing Zionism, Women in Solidarity with Palestine, Independent Jewish Voices

    Corey BALSAM, Student

    Julia BARNETT

    Lawrence BOXALL, Jews for a Just Peace

    Mark Robert BRILL

    Anne-Marie BRUN

    Smadar CARMON, Not In Our Name: Jewish Voices Opposing Zionism

    James DEUTSCH, MD

    Judith DEUTSCH, MSW, President, Science for Peace

    Gordon DOCTOROW

    Inge FLEISCHMANN FOWLIE, Independent Jewish Voices

    Barry FLEMING

    Matt FODOR

    Inge FOWLIE

    Daniel FREEMAN-MALOY, Activist and writer

    Sam GINDIN, York University

    Rachel GUROFSKY, Trent University

    Larry HAIVEN, Saint Mary’s University

    Jean HANSON, Independent Jewish Voices

    Jake JAVANSHIR, Not In Our Name: Jewish Voices Opposing Zionism

    Mira KHAZZAM, Independent Jewish Voices

    Mark KLEIN

    Naomi KLEIN, Author

    Jason KUNIN

    Richard Borshay LEE, Professor Emeritus, University of Toronto

    Abby LIPPMAN, Independent Jewish Voices

    Henry LOWI

    Elizabeth MOLCHANY, Esquire

    Rabbi David MIVASAIR, Ahavat Olam Synagogue, Vancouver

    Joanne NAIMAN

    Yakov M. RABKIN, Professeur titulaire, Département d’histoire, Université de Montréal

    Diana RALPH, Independent Jewish Voices

    R.S. RATNER, University of British Columbia

    Herman ROSENFELD, Instructor, Labour Studies, McMaster University

    Martha ROTH, United Jewish Voices-BC

    Marty ROTH, United Jewish Voices-BC

    Regine SCHMID

    Alan SEARS, Ryerson University

    Edward SHAFFER, University of Alberta

    Sid SHNIAD, Independent Jewish Voices

    Greg STARR, Jews for a Just Peace

    Vera SZOKE

    Judith WEISMAN

    Suzanne WEISS, Not In Our Name: Jewish Voices Opposing Zionism


    Houria ACKERMANN, Directrice de crèche

    Nuri ALBALA, Avocat

    Paula ALBOUZE

    Paul ALLIÈS, Professeur à l’Université de Montpellier

    Arlette ALVARENGA, Consultante retraitée

    Simon ASSOUN, Union Juive Française pour la Paix

    Marc AYBES, Infographiste

    Bernard BATT

    Raphaël BÉNARROSH, Avocat retraité

    Eliane BÉNARROSH, Mouvement contre le racisme et pour l’amitié entre les peuples

    Zvi BEN-DOR, Professor, New York University (Paris, France)

    Daniel BENSAÏD, Professeur à l’Université Paris 8

    Jean BRAFMAN, Conseiller régional d’Île-de-France

    Kurt BRAININ, Médecin

    Rony BRAUMAN

    Kenneth BROWN, Mediterraneans/Méditerranéennes

    Alice CHERKI, Psychiatre, psychanalyste, auteure

    Élisabeth CHOPARD-LALLIER, Conceptrice d’édition

    Sonia DAYAN-HERZBRUN, Professeur émérite à l’université Paris 7

    Gilles DERHI, Pédopsychiatre, Union Juive Française pour la Paix

    Sylvia EVRARD, Union Juive Française pour la Paix

    Mireille FANON-MENDÈS-FRANCE, Union Juive Française pour la Paix

    Patrick FELDSTEIN, Bureau national, Union Juive Française pour la Paix

    Rafael GOLDWASER

    Jean-Guy GREILSAMER, Président des Amis du Théâtre de la Liberté de Jénine

    Serge GROSSVAK

    Bertrand HEILBRONN

    Avi HERSHKOVITZ, Cinéaste

    Thamara HORMAECHEA, Médecin

    Gonzague HUTIN, Union Juive Française pour la Paix

    Bernard JANCOVICI, Professeur émérite, Université de Paris-Sud

    Christine JEDWAB, Psychologue

    Jacques JEDWAB

    Samuel JOHSUA, Professeur émérite, Université de Provence

    Nicole KAHN

    Florence KERAVEC, Union Juive Française pour la Paix

    Maurice KERNBAUM

    Daniel LARTICHAUX-ULLMANN, Documentaliste

    Catherine LÉVY, Sociologue

    Daniel LÉVYNE, Enseignant retraité

    Michaël LÖWY, Sociologue

    Françoise MALFROID

    Alain MARCU, Petit fils de déporté, fils de juifs résistants

    Jean François MARX

    Véronique MARZO, Union Juive Française pour la Paix

    Pierre MAUREL

    Ariane MONNERON, Ancien Chef de Clinique, Directeur de recherche au CNRS

    Jean-Hugues MORNEAU, Bibliothécaire, Université Joseph Fourier de Grenoble

    François MUNIER

    Josiane OLFF-NATHAN, Université de Strasbourg
    Perrine OLFF-RASTEGAR, Porte-parole Collectif Judéo Arabe et Citoyen pour la Paix

    Martine OLFF-SOMMER, Psychologue

    Henri OSINSKI

    Marie-France OSINSKI

    Nahed PUST, Femmes en Noir de Strasbourg

    Jocelyne RAJNCHAPEL-MESSAÏ, Union Juive Française pour la Paix

    Sabrina RANASINGHE

    Claude RAYMOND, Retraitée

    Yaël REINHARZ HAZAN, co-directrice du Festival du Film et Forum International sur les Doits Humains

    Suzanne ROSENBERG

    Jacques SCHWEIZER, Physicien

    Michèle SIBONY, Union Juive Française pour la Paix

    Claude SZATAN

    Hannah TAIEB, Union Juive Française pour la Paix

    Marlène TUNINGA, Présidente section française, Ligue internationale des femmes pour la paix et la liberté

    Dominique VENTRE, Directeur de Formation Télécom

    René VONWALLENBERG, Avocat
    Fabrice WEISSMAN, Directeur d’études Fondation Médecins Sans Frontières


    Marie Claire ZYLBERBERG


    Galit ALTSHULER, European Jews for Just Peace

    Linda BENEDIKT

    Stacey BLATT

    Elias DAVIDSSON, Komponist, Menschenrechtler

    Ilil FRIEDMAN, European Jews for Just Peace

    Ruth FRUCHTMAN, Writer, European Jews for Just Peace

    Harri GRÜNBERG, Mitarbeiter der Bundestagsfraktion DIE LINKE

    Iris HEFETS, European Jews for Just Peace

    Tal HEVER

    Michal KAISER-LIVNE, European Jews for Just Peace

    Kate KATZENSTEIN-LEITERER, European Jews for Just Peace


    Felicia LANGER

    Mieciu LANGER

    Jean Joseph LEVY

    Edith LUTZ, European Jews for Just Peace

    Jakob MONETA, früherer Chefredakteur der Zeitung Metall

    Abraham MELZER, Publisher, European Jews for Just Peace

    Moshe PERLSTEIN, European Jews for Just Peace

    Fanny Michaela REISIN, European Jews for Just Peace


    Lawrence ZWEIG, Solidarity International


    Hillel BARAK, Movement Against Israeli Apartheid in Palestine

    Ronnie BARKAN, Anarchists Against the Wall

    Judith BLANC, Bat Shalom, Women in Black, HADASH

    Matan COHEN, Tarabot

    Adi DAGAN, Coalition of Women for Peace

    Rotem DAN MOR, Student, Center of Middle Eastern Classical Music in Jerusalem

    Yvonne DEUTSCH, Social worker and feminist peace activist


    Emmanuel FARJOUN, Professor of Mathematics, Hebrew University, Jerusalem

    Naama FARJOUN

    Alon FRIEDMAN, MD, Departments of Physiology and Neurosurgery, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev

    Yodfat Ariela GETZ, Filmmaker and social activist

    Rachel GIORA, Tel Aviv University

    Angela GODFREY-GOLDSTEIN, Action Advocacy Officer, Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions

    Neta GOLAN

    Vardit GOLDNER

    Amos GVIRTZ, Recognition Forum

    Connie HACKBARTH, Alternative Information Center

    Roni HAMMERMANN, Machsomwatch

    Shir HEVER, Alternative Information Center


    Ronnee JAEGER, Bat Shalom, Coalition of Women for a Just Peace

    Jimmy JOHNSON, Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions

    Matan KAMINER

    Reuven KAMINER

    Teddy KATZ

    Hava KELLER

    Adam KELLER, Journalist

    Idan LANDAU, Department of Foreign Literatures & Linguistics, Ben Gurion University

    Yael LERER, Publisher

    Orit LOYTER

    Eilat MAOZ, Women’s Coalition

    Anat MATAR, Department of Philosophy, Tel Aviv University

    Dorothy NAOR, Activist for justice and peace

    Israel NAOR

    Gilad NATHAN

    Amos NOY

    Adi OPHIR, Professor of Philosophy, Tel Aviv University


    Shai Carmeli POLLAK

    David REEB, Artist

    Andre ROSENTHAL, Civil rights lawyer

    Yehoshua ROSIN

    Sergeiy SANDLER, New Profile

    Ayala SHANI

    Kobi SNITZ, Technion

    Lea TSEMEL, Attorney, SOS Torture

    Roy WAGNER

    Michel WARSCHAWSKI, Alternative Information Center

    Sergio YAHNI, Alternative Information Center




    Liviana BORTOLUSSI, Rete Radiè Resch di solidarietà Internazionale

    Paola CANARUTTO, Medico

    Giorgio CANARUTTO, Impiegato

    Marina DEL MONTE, Psicoterapeuta

    Ronit DOVRAT, Pittrice

    Douglas DOWD, Professor of Economics

    Giorgio FORTI, Professore Emerito Università di Milano

    Milena MOTTALINI, Avvocata

    Carla ORTONA, Funzionaria sanità

    Marco RAMAZZOTTI, Funzionario Nazioni Unite, Rete Ebrei Contro L’occupazione, Jews Against Occupation

    Stefano SARFATTI , Commerciante

    Susanna SINIGAGLIA

    Ornella TERRACINI, Insegnante in pensione


    Guy BOLLAG

    Shraga ELAM, Winner of the Australian Gold Walkley Award for Excellent Journalism 2004

    Dorrie ITEN, Jewish Voice for a Just Peace

    Leo KANEMAN, Co-directeur Festival du Film et Forum International sur les Droits Humains

    Rolf KRAUER, Gewerkschafter UNIA

    Martine RAIS, Médecin

    Peter STRECKEISEN, Soziologe

    Ursel URECH, Lehrerin, Gewerkschaft VPOD

    Sharon Weill, Ph.D. candidate in International Law, University of Geneva

    Robin WINOGROND, Jewish Voice for a Just Peace


    Hanna BRAUN, Palestine Solidarity Campaign

    Richard BRENNER, Editor, Workers Power

    Haim BRESHEETH, Professor of Media and Cultural Studies

    Peter COHEN, London South Bank University

    Angela DALE, Jews Against Zionism

    Mark ELF, Jews Sans Frontieres

    Liz ELKIND, Scottish Jews for a Just Peace

    Rayah FELDMAN, London South Bank University

    Alf FILER

    Sylvia FINZI, Jews for Justice for Palestinians

    Tony GREENSTEIN , Trade unionist (UNISON)

    Pete HALL

    Abe HAYEEM, Jews for Justice for Palestinians /International Jewish Anti-Zionist Network

    Rosamine HAYEEM, Jews for Justice for Palestinians/International Jewish Anti-Zionist Network

    Dan JUDELSON, Secretary, European Jews for a Just Peace

    Yael KAHN

    Bernice LASCHINGER

    Les LEVIDOW, Open University


    Yosefa LOSHITZKY, Professor of Film Studies

    Moshe MACHOVER, Professor Emeritus, founding member of the Socialist Organization in Israel “Matzpen”

    Hilda MEERS, Scottish Jews for a Just Peace

    Diana NESLEN, Jews Against Zionism

    Esther NESLEN

    Susan PASHKOFF, Jews Against Zionism

    Roland RANCE, Jews Against Zionism

    Anna ROBIN

    Shrila ROBIN

    Brian ROBINSON

    Miriam SCHARF

    Ruth SIRTON

    Inbar TAMARI, Jews Against Zionism

    Norman TRAUB

    Eyal WEIZMAN, University of London



    Deborah AGRE, Middle East Children’s Alliance

    Michael ALBERT, ZNet

    Barbra APFELBAUM, Riverside Language Program, New York City

    Rann BAR-ON, International Solidarity Movement and North Carolina Coalition for Palestine

    Trude BENNETT

    Phyllis BENNIS, Institute for Policy Studies

    Carl BLOICE, Committees of Correspondence for Democracy & Socialism

    Audrey BOMSE, Lawyer

    Daniel BOYARIN, University of California-Berkeley

    Lenni BRENNER

    Stephen Eric BRONNER, Director of Global Relations, Center for the Study of Genocide, Conflict Resolution, & Human Rights, Rutgers University

    Judith BUTLER, Professor, University of California-Berkeley

    Leslie CAGAN, National Coordinator, United for Peace and Justice

    Ellen CANTAROW, Writer

    Barbara H. CHASIN, Professor Emerita, Montclair State University

    Noam CHOMSKY, Professor Emeritus, Massachusetts Institute of Technology

    Jill Hamburg COPLAN, Journalist

    Lawrence DAVIDSON, West Chester University

    Daniel ELLSBERG, Revealed Pentagon Papers, writer

    Carolyn EISENBERG, Hofstra University

    Judith FERSTER, Jewish Voice for Peace and BritTzedek

    Michelle FINE, Graduate Center, City University of New York

    Barry FINGER, Editorial board, New Politics

    David FINKEL, Managing Editor, Against the Current

    Norman G. FINKELSTEIN, Independent scholar

    Laurie FOX

    Racheli GAI, Co-editor, Jewish Peace News

    Irene GENDZIER, Boston University

    Jack GERSON, Oakland Education Association Executive Board

    Alice GOLIN, Bloomfield-Glen Ridge NJ Peace Action

    Steve GOLIN, Bloomfield College

    Linda GORDON, Professor of History, New York University

    Marilyn HACKER, Writer, City College of New York

    Stanley HELLER, Moderator “Jews Who Speak Out”; Host “The Struggle” TV news magazine

    Edward S. HERMAN, Professor Emeritus, Wharton School, University of Pennsylvania

    Carol HORWITZ, “Jews Say No”

    Louis KAMPF, Professor Emeritus, Massachusetts Institute of Technology

    Stan KARP, Rethinking Schools

    Melanie KAYE/KANTROWITZ, Queens College, City University of New York

    Richard LACHMANN, University at Albany – State University of New York

    Joanne LANDY, Campaign for Peace & Democracy

    Jesse LEMISCH, Professor Emeritus, John Jay College of Criminal Justice

    Howard LENOW, American Jews For A Just Peace

    Zachary LEVENSON, University of California-Berkeley

    Joseph LEVINE, Professor of Philosophy, University of Massachusetts

    Mark LEVINE, Professor of Middle East History, University of California, Irvine

    Nelson LICHTENSTEIN, University of California, Santa Barbara

    Lawrence LIFSCHULTZ, Author and journalist

    Zachary LOCKMAN, New York University

    Marvin MANDELL, Co-editor, New Politics

    Marilyn Kleinberg NEIMARK, co-host of “Beyond the Pale: Jewish Culture and Politics,” WBAI radio, New York

    Joan NESTLE

    Henry NOBLE, National Secretary, U.S. Section, Freedom Socialist Party

    Judith NORMAN, Co-editor, Jewish Peace News

    David OST, Hobart & William Smith Colleges

    Frances Fox PIVEN, Graduate Center, City University of New York

    Karen REDLEAF, International Jewish Anti-Zionist Network

    Adrienne RICH, Poet and activist

    Bruce ROBBINS, Columbia University

    Robert C. ROSEN, William Paterson University

    Deborah ROSENFELT, Professor of Women’s Studies, University of Maryland

    Emma ROSENTHAL, Cafe Intifada/Los Angeles Palestine Labor Solidarity Committee

    Paula ROTHENBERG, Professor Emerita, William Paterson University

    Matthew ROTHSCHILD, Editor, The Progressive magazine

    Rachel RUBIN, University of Massachusetts, Boston

    Marjorie SCHEER, Jews for a Just Peace – North Carolina

    Michael SCHWARTZ, Stony Brook State University

    Alexander SHALOM, Lawyer

    Beverly SHALOM, Social worker

    Evelyn R. SHALOM, Health educator

    Stephen R. SHALOM, William Paterson University


    Ira SHOR, City University of New York

    Jerome SLATER, Writer

    Alan SOKAL, New York University

    Stephen SOLDZ, Co-founder, Coalition for an Ethical Psychology

    David S. SURREY, Saint Peter’s College

    Norman TRAUB

    Carol WALD, War Resisters League

    Richard I. WARK, Jews for a Just Peace-North Carolina

    Lois WEINER, Professor of Education, New Jersey City University

    Adrienne WELLER

    Eleanor WILNER, Writer

    Howard ZINN, Historian


    Marshall ANSELL, Sweden

    David BARKIN, Mexico

    Viviane COHEN, Architect, Morocco

    Hans DIELEMAN, Universidad Autónoma de la Ciudad de México, Mexico

    Mary ELDIN, Ireland

    Dror FEILER, Musician, Chairperson of European Jews for a Just Peace and Judar för Israelisk Palestinsk Fred, Sweden

    Jacques HERSH, Professor Emeritus, Denmark

    Zachris JÄNTTI, Finland

    Jakob LINDBERG, Judar för Israelisk Palestinsk Fred, Sweden

    Margot SALOM, Palestinian & Jewish Unity for Justice and Peace, Australia

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